What attracted women to fascist regimes?

Figure 1 - Women in Nazi Germany

This essay will discuss the main factors that attracted women to fascism from the perspective of inter-war Italy and Germany, to provide the most convincing judgement. Fascism, being the right-wing political ideology that included extreme militaristic nationalism and contempt for electoral democracy, was inherently sexist and urged women to perform traditional gender roles.[1] Women in Germany were willing to accept this unequal status in return for social prestige and honour. There was also great enthusiasm for the dynamism and personality of Adolf Hitler, alongside the creation of their own recognised social sphere. Most Italian women accepted the fascist regime without embrace, mainly due to the emphasis on family, which many felt was important for nation-building and experienced a new public position in society.

First, the personal qualities of fascist leaders were important in attracting women to fascism. Gupta states one explanation for this attraction was Hitler’s personality and charisma.[2] This was due to an alleged tendency for women to make political choices based on the candidate’s personal qualities with Grunberger writing ‘Hitler’s monkish persona engendered a great deal of sexual hysteria among women’.[3] A more convincing argument from Boak compares Hitler to the other candidates who were elder statesmen. This opposition, add Simon, had betrayed Germany by signing the Armistice following the First World War.[4] Boak adds the wider picture of Hitler’s charisma, and the new dynamism of the party contributed to Germans turning to the Nazi Party (NSDAP).[5] These arguments provide some basis for the support of women towards Hitler, who was naturally a popular figure for women, both personally and politically.

In comparison, De Grand argues that early support from women in Italian fascism was the attraction of Mussolini’s proposed policies and skilled political abilities.[6] In the Fascist programme of June 1919, it was promised a fascist government would give women full voting rights. De Grand adds this led to large bourgeois women’s organisations supporting the Fascists following the march on Rome, such as the Giornale della donna. At the congress of the International Alliance for Women’s Suffrage in Rome in May 1923, Mussolini announced a law giving the vote to women in local elections and equal status within organizations.[7] Despite these assurances never materialising, this led to an early favourable impression of the government and thus a greater draw to fascism for women. However, this argument only provides a good reason for the initial attraction. By 1923 and the introduction of the Acerbo law, the vote was offered to such a small number of women it was viewed as an absolute retreat and led to protests by the beforementioned women’s organizations.[8]

When discussing the attraction of fascism, is it important to describe the new roles for women that the fascist states offered. Koonz’s main argument states the reason for the attraction to Fascism within Germany was the desirability of the role of motherhood.[9] Gupta adds fascism provided women greater control over their own social sphere.[10] Previously, women had to take up exploitative civic responsibilities within the Weimar Republic. As a result, the NSDAP’s vision of returning to a traditional family setting became attractive to many German women. Durham shows the extent of this attraction as by the time party came to power, the Nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft (NSF) had 110,000 members and the NSDAP had another 64,000.[11] Hitler stated in 1933 “Women have always been among my staunchest supporters; they feel my victory is their victory”[12], as the NSDAP gained proportionally more support from women than men from 1928 onwards. This shows to a strong extent the clear attraction and enthusiasm of Nazi policies of being a mother for the Fatherland, which led to many women joining fascist organizations.

In a similar vein to German fascism, this acceptance of the fascist party in Italy was due to the new importance of motherhood given to women in nation-building. Wilson adds this came through transforming a private matter into a public, national duty.[13] Scardino-Belzer presents this ideology as the newly devised idealized model of femininity: The donna fascista.[14]This model attracted many Italian women, as membership grew from 100,000 members in 1929 to over 1 million at the end of the regime. Women viewed their contributions as separate, yet equal importance and their role was an improvement over their pre-war exclusion from all things political and public. Wilson adds that Italian fascism changed women’s lives in society; young women especially were now able to take part in activities that previously did not exist,[15] giving them a sense of independence and a break from the traditional past. Thus, this perspective gives a strong explanation of the long-term acceptance of Italian fascism, as women were drawn in by this new social independence and duty.

After the NSDAP took power, women also were given incentives to continue to contribute to the traditional values of motherhood and family. Martin notes they honoured prolific German mothers in a variety of ways; Mothers’ Day became a major holiday,[16] and the government awarded an Honour Cross to prolific mothers, ordering the Hitler Youth to salute all women wearing the medal.[17] Hitler also introduced the 1933 Law to Reduce Unemployment, in which a couple planning to marry, as long as women gave up employment, would be eligible for an interest-free loan. It was estimated in June 1938 that nearly 1 million loans had been made.[18] Thus, the popularity of incentives for women gives a convincing reason for the continued attraction towards Fascist policies. Similar incentives were used within Italy. De Grand writes that ceremonies were held to honour the role of women within the Italian nation.[19] State-sponsored associations of parents of large families were formed and gold medals were given to ‘producers’ of many children, ensuring women remained motivated by Italian fascism.

This leads to the largest factor that contributed to the attraction of fascism in Italy, Propaganda. Monti argues that a lot of time, effort and money was dedicated to propaganda to promote the ideals of mother and wife as good fascist women.[20] Posters, speeches, and advertisements were all fundamental to Mussolini’s intentions, obtaining the attention and approval of the Italian people. The extent of this propaganda was huge, as all levels of society were involved and could understand visual cues. This heightened the attraction to fascism as the role of fascist women was projected as one needed for the good of the fatherland. Propaganda was also vital in the rise of Italian Fascism in 1921. Martin backs this stating this led to Fascist party votes growing from 80,000 in 1921 to 200,000 in the following year, irrespective of gender.[21] This was as it produced floods of propaganda denouncing socialism and promising social stability. It spoke in the name of those who fought in the trenches to fight against those portrayed as anti-national elements such as socialism, which was in the self-interest of both men and women.

This self-interest and the popular ideology of nationalism are also significant in German fascism. Boak expresses the strongest reason for women’s attraction towards Fascism in Germany was due to the failure of the Weimar Republic and in comparison, the growing prominence of the NSDAP. Kocka adds the failure of the Weimar Republic came from the rise of anti-democratic nationalism and the rejection of the elites within Germany.[22] Boak concludes that women chose to vote for the NSDAP for the same reasons as men[23] – out of self-interest and the belief the party represented what German society should be. In the second round of the presidential elections of 1932, 33.8% of women and 36% of men voted for Hitler, showing that the party’s attitude to women’s role in society did not play a major factor in voter choice, rather the vote was made on the national perspective.[24] This is the strongest argument that shows the attraction towards fascism by women, presenting the Zeitgeist of Germany in interwar Europe led to the attraction to vote for the NSDAP both by men and women.

In conclusion, women were attracted to fascism for a multitude of reasons. First, the dynamism and charisma of Hitler were strong reasons behind this attraction, whilst Mussolini’s leadership skills meant he was able to attract women initially using political skills seen in promising votes for women. Secondly, women were offered valuable roles within society. In Germany, the NSDAP offered a return to traditional roles of motherhood, which were moved away from within the Weimar Republic, whilst, in Italy, fascism offered women the chance to carry out a national duty within the public eye. In Italy, this ideology was abetted through propaganda that reinforced the ideals that these policies were needed for the growth of the fatherland. Whilst these reasons are convincing in shaping the attraction of fascist parties, the overall attraction of fascism came from the wider attraction of fascist and nationalist policies over this period. Women voted within their self-interest and the belief of the party that best reflected their idea of what German society should be. It was a combination of dynamic leadership, the growth and respectability of the NSDAP, combined with the failure of the Weimar Republic and other parties that contributed to women’s attraction to fascism in Germany. Similarly, within Italy, Mussolini and the Italian Fascist Party provided the best alternative at the time to socialism, with women accepting that the national duty was an improvement over their pre-war exclusion in society.

Bibliography:

Boak, Helen L, Our Last Hope’; Women’s Votes for Hitler: A Reappraisal, German Studies Review 12, no. 2 (1989) https://doi.org/10.2307/1430096. Accessed 05/04/22

Statistik des deutschen Reiches, 382, 3, in Boak, Helen L, Our Last Hope’; Women’s Votes for Hitler: A Reappraisal

De Grand, Alexander, Women under Italian Fascism, The Historical Journal 19, no. 4 (1976) http://www.jstor.org/stable/2638244 - accessed 28/03/22

Grunberger, Richard, A Social History of the Third Reich, London, (1971)

Gupta, Charu. Politics of Gender: Women in Nazi Germany, Economic and Political Weekly 26, no. 17 (1991) http://www.jstor.org/stable/4397988. Accessed 28/03/22

Kocka, Jurgen, German History before Hitler: The Debate about the German Sonderweg, Journal of Contemporary History 23, no. 1, (1988) http://www.jstor.org/stable/260865 - accessed 08/04/22

Koonz, Claudia. Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family, and Nazi Politics. (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1987)

Mason, Timothy, Women in Germany, 1925-1940: Family, Welfare and Work: Part 2, History Workshop, (1975)

Monti, Jennifer Linda, The Contrasting Image of Italian Women Under Fascism in the 1930s, Surface, Syracuse University, (2011), The Contrasting Image of Italian Women Under Fascism in the 1930â•Žs (syr.edu) – accessed 05/04/22

Simon, Dan, Who Voted For Hitler? The Nation, (2021), Who Voted for Hitler? | The Nation – accessed 08/04/22

Soucy, Robert, Fascism, Britannica, (2022), fascism | Definition, Meaning, Characteristics, Examples, & History | Britannica – accessed 04/04/22

Scardino-Belzer, Allison, Italian Fascism and the Donna Fascista, Italian and Italian American Studies, (2010)

Unknown Author, Mussolini to Give the Vote to Women, The New York Times, (May 15, 1923), MUSSOLINI TO GIVE THE VOTE TO WOMEN; Premier's Announcement Is Hailed at International Suf- frage Convention in Rome. TO BE LIMITED AT FIRST National Vote Will Follow Ex- periment in Local Affairs -- Mrs. Catt Wins Audience. - The New York Times (nytimes.com) – accessed 08/04/22

[1] Il voto amministrativo alle donne', Attivita femminile sociale, (14 Nov, 1924), in De Grand, Alexander, Women under Italian Fascism

Wilson, Perry, Women in Mussolini’s Italy. 1922-1945, in R.J.B Bosworth, The Oxford Handbook of Fascism, (Oxford University Press, 2008)

Figure 1 - Accessed from The Transformation of Women in Nazi Germany | Teaching Resources (tes.com)

[1] Robert Soucy, Fascism, Britannica, (2022), fascism | Definition, Meaning, Characteristics, Examples, & History | Britannica – accessed 04/04/22 [2]Charu Gupta, ‘Politics of Gender: Women in Nazi Germany’, Economic and Political Weekly 26, no. 17 (1991): pp.5-6. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4397988. Accessed 28/03/22 [3] Richard Grunberger, A Social History of the Third Reich, (London, 1971), 117 [4] Dan Simon, ‘Who Voted for Hitler?’, The Nation, (2021), 1, Who Voted for Hitler? | The Nation – accessed 08/04/22 [5] Helen L Boak, ‘Our Last Hope’; Women’s Votes for Hitler: A Reappraisal’, German Studies Review 12, no. 2 (1989), 289–310. https://doi.org/10.2307/1430096. Accessed 05/04/22 [6] Alexander De Grand, Alexander, Women under Italian Fascism, The Historical Journal 19, no. 4 (1976), 947–68. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2638244 - accessed 28/03/22 [7] Unknown Author, ‘Mussolini to Give the Vote to Women’, The New York Times, (May 15, 1923), MUSSOLINI TO GIVE THE VOTE TO WOMEN; Premier's Announcement Is Hailed at International Suf- frage Convention in Rome. TO BE LIMITED AT FIRST National Vote Will Follow Ex- periment in Local Affairs -- Mrs. Catt Wins Audience. - The New York Times (nytimes.com) – accessed 08/04/22 [8]Il voto amministrativo alle donne', Attivita femminile sociale, (14 Nov, 1924), in Alexander De Grand, Women under Italian Fascism, 954 [9] Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family, and Nazi Politics. (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1987), 1-30 [10] Gupta, ‘Politics of Gender: Women in Nazi Germany’, 5-6 [11] Martin Durham, Women and Fascism, Taylor & Francis Group, ProQuest Ebook Central, (1998), 18, https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/cardiff/detail.action?docID=165080 - Accessed 29/03/2022 [12] Boak, ‘Our Last Hope’; Women’s Votes for Hitler: A Reappraisal’, 290-310, [13] Perry Wilson, Women in Mussolini’s Italy. 1922-1945, in R.J.B Bosworth, The Oxford Handbook of Fascism, (Oxford University Press, 2008), 203-220 [14] Allison Scardino-Belzer, Allison, ‘Italian Fascism and the Donna Fascista’, Italian and Italian American Studies, (2010), 177-188 [15] Wilson, Women in Mussolini’s Italy, 73 [16] Durham, Women and Fascism, 21 [17] Gupta, ‘Politics of Gender: Women in Nazi Germany’, 2 [18] Timothy Mason, Women in Germany, 1925-1940: Family, Welfare and Work: Part 2, History Workshop, (1975), 74 [19] De Grand, Women Under Italian Fascism, 964 [20] Jennifer Linda Monti, The Contrasting Image of Italian Women Under Fascism in the 1930s, Surface, (Syracuse University, 2011), The Contrasting Image of Italian Women Under Fascism in the 1930â•Žs (syr.edu) – accessed 05/04/22 [21] Durham, Women and Fascism, 6 [22]Jurgen Kocka, ‘German History before Hitler: The Debate about the German Sonderweg’, Journal of Contemporary History 23, no. 1, (1988): pp.3–16. http://www.jstor.org/stable/260865 - accessed 08/04/22 [23]Boak, ‘Our Last Hope’; Women’s Votes for Hitler: A Reappraisal’, 303 [24]Statistik des deutschen Reiches, 382, 3, 34 in Boak, ‘Our Last Hope’; Women’s Votes for Hitler: A Reappraisal’, 308